FIELDIANA Anthropology Published by Field Museum of Natural History VOLUME 60 AKULIVIKCHUK: A NINETEENTH CENTURY ESKIMO VILLAGE ON THE NUSHAGAK RIVER, ALASKA JAMES W. VANSTONE OCTOBER 16, 1970 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY A Continuation of the ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES of FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY VOLUME 60 TO ■J. ••■•■■■I I I . 1 ■•(■■■."••■»> ,"l FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY CHICAGO, U.S.A. AKULIVIKCHUK: A NINETEENTH CENTURY ESKIMO VILLAGE ON THE NUSHAGAK RIVER, ALASKA Frontispiece: Akulivikchuk in 1967. FIELDIANA Anthropology Published by Field Museum of Natural History VOLUME 60 AKULIVIKCHUK: A NINETEENTH CENTURY ESKIMO VILLAGE ON THE NUSHAGAK RIVER, ALASKA JAMES W. VANSTONE Curator, North American Archaeology and Ethnology OCTOBER 16, 1970 PUBLICATION 110S PATRICIA M. WILLIAMS Managing Editor, Scientific Publications Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 70-1294.65 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY FIELD MUSEUM PRESS Contents PAGE List of Illustrations ... 5 Acknowledgements 7 Preface 9 The Historical Setting 12 Excavations 17 Houses 20 Kashgee 33 Midden 38 Collections 40 Locally manufactured goods 40 Chipped and ground stone 42 Bone and antler 56 Clay 65 Bark 67 Glass 68 Wood 68 Non-Eskimo pottery 68 Metal 68 Imported manufactured goods 73 Non-Eskimo pottery 74 Glass 81 Metal 85 Miscellaneous materials 91 Continuity and Innovation 92 Interpretations and Conclusions 103 References 110 Appendix. Akulivikchuk trait list 115 List of Illustrations Akulivikchuk in 1967 Frontispiece TEXT FIGURES PAGE 1. Map of Alaska 8 2. Map of the Nushagak River region 10 3. Map of the Akulivikchuk site 18 4. House 1 23 5. House 2 25 6. House 3 27 7. House 4 29 8. House 5 31 9. House 6 32 10. House 7 34 11. Kashgee 35 12. Main chamber of kashgee in cross-section 37 13. a) Composite harpoon head, b) Unbarbed, socketed projectile point . . 60 14. Bead types according to shapes, showing cross-sections of each .... 83 TABLES 1. House construction features 22 2. Animal bones recovered from the Akulivikchuk site 95 PLATES 1. Stone artifacts 41 2. Stone artifacts 44 3. Stone artifacts 47 4. Stone artifacts 49 5. Stone artifacts 51 6. Stone artifacts 53 7. Stone artifacts 55 5 6 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE 8. Bone and antler artifacts 57 9. Bone and antler artifacts 59 10. Bone and antler artifacts 63 11. Artifacts of bone, antler and miscellaneous materials 66 12. Wood and metal artifacts 71 13. Non-Eskimo pottery 76 14. Artifacts of metal and glass 87 15. Artifacts of metal and miscellaneous materials 89 Acknowledgements Excavations at Akulivikchuk were supported financially by a grant from the National Foundation for the Humanities (H67-0-51). Able assistance in the field was provided by Mr. Robert Lesch, at that time an undergraduate at the University of Illinois at Chicago Circle. In Alaska, the following individuals were particularly helpful be- cause of their interest in the work and willingness to assist the author in dealing with the many problems inevitably associated with archae- ological excavations in remote areas: Mr. and Mrs. Charles Lucier of Anchorage, Mr. and Mrs. C. J. Stovall and Mr. and Mrs. Alfred Andree of Dillingham, Alaska Department of Fish and Game em- ployees in Dillingham, Mr. Gust Johnson of New Koliganek, Mr. Paul Romie, Mr. Fred Hurley, and Mr. Luki Aleklok of Ekwok. The author is also grateful to several of his colleagues at Field Museum of Natural History for assistance during his study of the collections from the Akulivikchuk site. Dr. Glen Cole guided me toward a more accurate description of lithic materials and Dr. Alan Solem identified several mollusk shells that were recovered. The text figures and maps were drawn by Mr. Gustaf Dalstrom and the excellent photographs are the work of Mr. John Bayalis and Mr. Homer V. Holdren, Division of Photography. For critical comments and helpful suggestions during the prep- aration of this study, I wish to express my appreciation to Dr. Wendell H. Oswalt, University of California, Los Angeles. Preface The present study is one of a continuing series of publications dealing with the culture of the Nushagak River region in southwest- ern Alaska during the historic period (Fig. 1). Earlier publications in the series are a monograph on the ethnohistory of the region (VanStone, 1967), an annotated ethnohistorical bibliography (Van Stone, 1968a), and an archaeological report dealing with excavations at Tikchik, a nineteenth century settlement near the mouth of the Tikchik River (VanStone, 1968b). Field work was begun in the summer of 1964 with an archaeolog- ical survey of the Nushagak River and three of its major tributaries, the Wood, Nuyakuk, and lower Mulchatna rivers (Fig. 2). Forty- five sites belonging to the period of historic contact were located and many of them mapped. The survey was continued during the follow- ing three summers and at the present time there is information on a total of 58 historic sites in the area. Eventually a detailed report on nineteenth and early twentieth century settlement patterns through- out the river system will be prepared, but this requires an additional season of field work. The first summer of the survey suggested that throughout the period of historic contact there were centers of population along the upper and middle river. For purposes of the survey, the upper Nush- agak included Tikchik Lake, the Nuyakuk River, and the Nushagak between the mouths of the Nuyakuk and the Mulchatna, including the lower reaches of the latter. The Nushagak above the mouth of the Nuyakuk has not been included in any phase of this project be- cause of the virtual absence of reported historic settlements in that region. The middle river, a somewhat more populous center, was defined as encompassing that part of the Nushagak between the mouths of the Mulchatna and Kokwok Rivers. The river below this point, together with Nushagak Bay, may be regarded as constituting a third population center. Fig. 1. Map of Alaska. 10 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 Tike hi k Lakes KM. 100 Fig. 2. Map of the Nushagak River region. Archaeological research was planned in each of these centers and initiated with excavation of the Tikchik site during the summer of 1965. The selection of a site in the middle river region proved more difficult. At least three localities were considered potentially suit- able, and there was also the possibility of working in several smaller settlements. Akulivikchuk, although not mentioned as frequently VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 11 in the historical sources as Kokwok and Agivavik, the other two large sites in the immediate area, had the advantage of having been aban- doned early enough so that a twentieth century occupation would not confuse the excavation picture. Agivavik also qualified in this regard, but appears to have had a prehistoric component. In addi- tion, much of this site, which is somewhat larger than Akulivikchuk, is covered with a heavy growth of spruce and willow trees. This would have made sufficiently extensive excavation virtually impos- sible with the crew and time available. In short, Akulivikchuk ap- peared a logical choice, and the most rewarding location for an archaeological approach to the nineteenth century in the middle river region. Excavations at Akulivikchuk were begun on June 15, 1967 and completed on August 19. In retrospect it must frankly be admitted that the site hardly lived up to expectations. The artifact collection is not extensive and the number of trade goods recovered was dis- appointingly small. The main value, perhaps, of the information contained in this study is that it provides important data for com- parison with recovered materials from the growing number of exca- vated historical sites in southwestern Alaska. Also, of course, it broadens considerably our perspective of Nushagak Eskimo culture in the nineteenth century and allows us to make at least a few gen- eralizations concerning culture change in the area during the early contact period. In the interests of consistency and to facilitate comparisons, the organization of the text follows as closely as possible other reports of historic site excavations in southwestern Alaska in which the author has participated. These include the above-mentioned Tik- chik study, an account of excavations at Crow Village in the middle Kuskokwim River region (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967), and a mono- graph on the nineteenth century Tanaina Indian village of Kijik on Lake Clark to the north and east of Iliamna Lake (VanStone and Townsend, 1970). The Historical Setting Informants who were questioned concerning the meaning of the name Akulivikchuk generally agreed that it was simply a place name. One person, however, suggested that the word may have been de- rived from agoonli which means "in between," a reference to the small creek which formerly divided the site into two nearly equal parts. Throughout its recorded history, the settlement was occupied by Yupik speakers of the Western Eskimo language stock. This dialect was spoken in all the villages along the Alaskan coast from the vicin- ity of Nome southward to Bristol Bay and the western end of Iliamna Lake. The inland range of Yupik speakers was to the village of Paimiut on the Yukon River and the vicinity of Aniak on the Kus- kokwim River. The Eskimos of the Nushagak River region have the ethnic name of Kiatagmiut. This sub-group of Yupik speakers occupied, at the time of historic contact, the entire Nushagak River, excluding Nushagak Bay, and the area to the west as far as and in- cluding the Wood River Lakes and Tikchik Lakes (Oswalt, 1967, p. 6; VanStone, 1967, pp. 110-111). The cultural center of Yupik-speaking peoples was along the central Bering Sea coast. In this area the people were oriented toward a maritime economy in which the seal was the most impor- tant food animal. On the adjacent tundra, caribou were hunted and fishing for salmon was significant at the mouths of rivers and in cer- tain bays. The Yupik penetration of the Nushagak River system took place at some unknown time during the prehistoric period when the people presumably moved inland from the Bering Sea coast. Since, at that time, they already possessed a well-developed salmon fishing technology, these Eskimos were able to exploit effectively an inland environment like that along the Nushagak River and its trib- utaries where these fish are abundant. The first well-documented contact between Yupik-speaking peo- ples and Europeans took place in 1818 when a party of Russian- American Company employees was dispatched from Kodiak Island to explore the territory north of Bristol Bay. During these explora- 12 VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 13 tions a trading post, Aleksandrovski Redoubt, was established at the mouth of the Nushagak River as the first Company post north of the Alaska Peninsula. Using the redoubt as a base of operations Ivan Filipovich Vasiliev explored the Nushagak River for the Com- pany in 1829 and 1830. In the latter year he crossed over into the Kuskokwim drainage and descended that river to the coast. As a result of these explorations, a series of trading stations were built at various points along the middle Kuskokwim culminating, in 1841, with the construction of Kolmakovski Redoubt opposite the mouth of the Kwik River about 16 km. above Aniak. This station remained an important trading center until abandoned by the Russian-Amer- ican Company in 1866. The exploration of Bristol Bay and the Nushagak River, together with the founding of Aleksandrovski Redoubt, later to be called Nushagak by Anglo-Americans, played a vital role in opening up the interior regions of southwestern Alaska to the fur trade. Kolma- kovski Redoubt continued to be supplied from Aleksandrovski until 1845 and the route up the Nushagak River to its headwaters, across the divide and down the Holitna or Hoholitna to the Kuskokwim became a heavily traveled route with supplies going upriver into the Kuskokwim region and furs proceeding in the opposite direction. 1 Since Akulivikchuk was almost certainly one of the larger and more important settlements along the Nushagak River throughout all or most of its occupation, and since it was located on the direct route of these regular journeys between the Kuskokwim and Aleks- androvski Redoubt, the village could not fail to have been drawn increasingly into the flourishing fur trade that was rapidly develop- ing throughout southwestern Alaska. And yet there are no specific references to the village in any of the published or archival sources which I have examined dealing with exploration and trade during the Russian period. In 1841 the first Russian Orthodox church north of the Alaska Peninsula was established at Aleksandrovski Redoubt and mission- aries began to penetrate the Nushagak River country. Although very little is known concerning the exact nature of their contacts with the Eskimos of the interior regions, the earliest known reference to Akulivikchuk occurs in the vital statistics of the church at the redoubt. In 1843 a man from the village, presumably a visitor to 1 For a detailed account of explorations and trading activities in the Nushagak River region, see VanStone, 1967, chapters I, III. 14 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 the mission at Aleksandrovski, is listed as having been baptized. Residents of the settlement continue to be listed more or less regu- larly in the statistics until 1899, although as we will note presently, the village may have been abandoned somewhat earlier (Alaska Russian Church Archives, vital statistics, Nushagak, 1842-1931). These listings of Akulivikchuk residents in the church statistics are the only references to the village during the Russian period that have come to light. Because of this paucity of information, the sig- nificance of Russian trading and mission activity in the lives of the inhabitants of Akulivikchuk may be determined only within the general framework of Russian expansion into interior Alaska. For this information, the reader is referred to the author's earlier publi- cations on the Nushagak River, its history and inhabitants (Van Stone, 1967; 1968a, b). It can be emphasized here, however, that as far as commercial relations were concerned, the number of Rus- sians and Creoles occupied in trading activities was probably always small but they maintained control over desirable products, and the Eskimos could obtain these only through the exchange of fur. This simple fact explains more than anything else the amazing rapidity with which the Eskimos of southwestern Alaska were exposed to the fur trade. Between 1818 and 1840 the entire region was opened up and trading contacts were established throughout the heavily pop- ulated Yukon and Kuskokwim River systems as well as along the Nushagak and its tributaries. With reference to mission influence, it should be noted that al- though Akulivikchuk residents are mentioned frequently in the vital statistics of the Nushagak church, it seems virtually certain that missionaries did not visit the settlement regularly in spite of its rela- tively accessible location. Throughout the 1850's and 1860's, for example, the missionaries at Aleksandrovski were seldom able to visit the villages along the Nushagak more than twice a year. Thus, it is likely that only those settlements nearest the redoubt were strongly influenced by Christian teaching. Residents of Nushagak River villages were, at best, but marginal participants in the newly introduced faith, a situation that probably persisted as long as Akulivikchuk was occupied. For a long time after the transfer of Alaska from Russia to the United States in 1867, no attempt was made to explore the Nush- agak region. At the end of the nineteenth century the inland area north of Bristol Bay still remained comparatively unknown although it continued to be penetrated by missionaries, occasional trappers, VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 15 and traders. The assets of the Russian-American Company were purchased by Hutchinson, Kohl & Company of San Francisco. This firm was soon reorganized to form the Alaska Commercial Company which dominated trade in southwestern Alaska throughout the rest of the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth. The Russian Orthodox Church continued to send priests into the interior and was the major religious influence in the area as it is at the present time. The Moravian church established a mission near Nushagak in 1884 but it is unlikely that it exerted any influence on the residents of Akulivikchuk at this late date. 2 Unfortunately, there is only one definite reference to Akulivik- chuk in the known late nineteenth century reports of missionaries, government officials or travellers. This is somewhat surprising con- sidering the settlement's accessible location. Most of the villages on the Nushagak River were enumerated in the federal census of 1880 (Petroff, 1884) or 1890 (Porter, 1893). Akulivikchuk is correctly located on Petroff's map and a population listing of 72 is given in the text (1884, p. 17, map 1). This number seems reasonable in light of the appearance of the site today. In the federal census of 1890 reference is made to a village named "Akgulurigiglak" in the Nushagak district, but it is not shown on the accompanying map. This settlement is listed as having a pop- ulation of 61 including 16 families living in five houses (Porter, 1893. p. 164). These figures again seem reasonable if the settlement in question is indeed Akulivikchuk. If not, the absence of the village from the 1890 census suggests that it had been abandoned by that time. When questioned on the subject, informants could only say that the settlement was abandoned sometime around the turn of the century. Reference to the village in the vital statistics of the Rus- sian Orthodox mission at Nushagak as late as 1899 could be mis- leading since it is not always clear whether the statistics refer to the place of a parishioner's birth or to his residence at the time his name appears. The cause of the community's abandonment cannot be deter- mined with certainty. Several informants mentioned that during one winter when many of the village children were playing in front of the settlement on the river ice, it suddenly gave way and a large number were drowned. It was said to be after this unfortunate acci- 2 For a detailed account of Moravian activities in the Nushagak River region, see VanStone, 1967, chapter II. 16 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 dent that Akulivikchuk was abandoned. Certainly, it is within the norm of Eskimo behavior to abandon a place of residence after it has been visited by serious illness or some other unhappy event. As we will note later, however, the emergence of other villages in the gen- eral area may also have played a role in the decision to abandon Akulivikchuk. In the summer of 1931 Ales Hrdlicka ascended the Nushagak River as far as Old Koliganek. The primary purpose of his trip was to collect skeletal material for the United States National Museum, but he also located and described a large number of archaeological sites, among which was Akulivikchuk. On his way up the river, Hrdlicka (1944, p. 357) notes that Akulivikchuk is "a very large old site on right bank, largest yet." On the return trip he was even more impressed and described the site as follows: Reach another large old site two miles below Hurley's [Ekwok]. Extends on both sides of a now dry small stream and then along a large flowing creek. Much larger than the site above Hurley's but there is evidently an older part and a later. Scores of square pits of igloos some large, many small. Col- lectively extend along main river and creek for at least half a mile, igloos several deep. (p. 374) It is difficult to recognize the Akulivikchuk site from this description and it is clear that Hrdlicka greatly overestimated its size. This is understandable since the site is characterized by a cleared area that is large in relation to the actual number of house pits. The extremely tall grass growing on the site might also give the impression, to the casual visitor, that many structures are hidden. In addition, the high bank of the river at this point creates a false impression of con- siderable depth and makes the site look something like the large coastal middens with which Hrdlicka was familiar. Akulivikchuk is indeed one of the larger sites along the Nushagak River and its trib- utaries, but there is nothing to suggest that there are, or ever were, "scores of square pits of igloos." Excavations The Akulivikchuk site is located on the west bank of the Nush- agak River approximately 5 km. below the village of Ekwok (59° 22' N, 157°30' W). Just above Akulivikchuk the river makes a big- bend to the east and at this point there are several small islands which formerly were separated from the river bank by sloughs which connected with the main channel above and below the bend. At the present time, however, one of these sloughs is the main channel and the big bend in the river is in the process of becoming an oxbow lake. It will be a long time, though, before this process is complete and the bend is still the main route for barges and larger boats. The west bank of the Nushagak River just below Ekwok is low but rises again south of Akulivikchuk and is ten to twelve meters high at the site itself. The formerly occupied area appears as a large, cleared, relatively flat expanse of ground approximately 150 m. long and 75 m. deep. This area is covered with tall grass and divided about equally into two halves by a deep ravine that at one time con- tained a running stream (see frontispiece) . At the peripheries of the site is a thick growth of small spruce and cottonwoods with the latter being more common near the river bank to the north and south, while the former predominate along the back of the site to the west; a few willows are also growing in the ravine. Trees are not encroach- ing on the site to any great extent and the cleared area of former occu- pation must be very nearly the same size today as it was when the settlement was abandoned. The cleared area to the south of the ravine is somewhat smaller than that to the north, and only a single house together with a num- ber of pits are located on this side. All the other houses, the single kashgee, and a large number of pits of varying sizes are on the north- ern side. The fact that the only good view down the river is from the north side may account for this distribution. This appeal's to have been a major factor in the orientation as well as the location of the structures since all those excavated on the northern side of the ravine face downriver with one exception (H-l) which opens toward the river. 17 99 13 cu o c 0) 73 tf I CO 0) o II t- I w CD J* 3 X o J* > - 0) -^ 00 O 3 • - co 0) — ~3 c 18 VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 19 A series of approximately 15 pits were located at the upriver end of the site behind the excavated structures. These are presumed to have been primarily for the storage of fish or meat, but their exact purpose is unknown. There are also nine pits of the same general type at the southern end of the site. All pits on both sides measure approximately three meters by two meters and are one meter deep. Directly in front of Akulivikchuk the river is narrow. In fact, this point is one of the narrowest places along its course where the entire river is contained in one channel. The water is shallow along the shore in front of the site, but according to Ekwok informants, the silting is recent and not too long ago the river was deep close to shore and this was a very good place to set salmon nets. Even today a number of Ekwok families place their nets in the vicinity of Akuli- vikchuk throughout the entire summer. Across the river from the site, the bank is low and covered with willows. Moose are said to appear frequently in this area and prefer to cross the river here be- cause it is relatively narrow. The slope leading up to the site from the river is quite steep, but the ravine that divides the cleared area is wide at the point where it meets the water's edge and an easy ascent can be made by following the slope at this point. In fact, this was very likely the main trail leading to the houses at the time the site was occupied. In considering the natural advantages of Akulivikchuk as a place to live, we can mention the high ground, the presence of fresh water running in the ravine, a good hunting and fishing location, and a favorable downriver view of as much as three to five kilometers. Another factor that may have been taken into consideration by the residents was the availability of large timber for building, although there is little of that left in the area today. The purpose of the 1967 field season was to excavate the Akuli- vikchuk site as fully as possible. The first step involved stripping the sod layer from seven house pits and the single kashgee. An eighth house, located at the extreme northeast end of the site facing the river, was not excavated because of time limitations and the fact that several large cottonwood trees were growing in it. This house is in- dicated on the site map (Fig. 3) with dotted lines. A small but obvious midden deposit was found in front of the kashgee and here the sod was stripped from an area measuring eight meters in width and nine meters in length. There did not appear to be midden de- posits in front of any of the houses, although no actual testing was 20 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 attempted. It seems likely that much of the garbage and other de- bris disposed of by the villagers was simply thrown over the bank into the river. HOUSES Excavation of the houses at Akulivikchuk proved to be relatively easy once the difficult task of sod removal was completed. At the time work was begun on June 18 the sod was almost completely thawed and only occasionally was frost encountered in any of the house pits. Drainage from the excavations was always good, even after prolonged periods of wet weather. This was due at least in part to the fine-grained sand which underlies the occupational debris over the entire site. A number of generalizations about the seven houses excavated at Akulivikchuk are appropriate before discussing the details of each one in particular. First of all, it cannot be said with certainty that all houses were occupied simultaneously. This is a question that must be dealt with, but it certainly cannot be resolved, or even adequately considered, until after the distribution of artifacts has been studied. Therefore, we will leave consideration of this problem for a later chapter. For the present it is sufficient to note that since the total period of occupancy at Akulivikchuk was almost certainly less than a century and since the dwellings are all structurally similar, we can consider them as a cluster of contemporary residences. Whatever changes may have been going on in the culture of the Akulivikchuk Eskimos throughout the period of occupation, they do not seem to be reflected to any great extent in the construction of the dwellings in which the villagers lived. In each instance the house builders at Akulivikchuk made an excavation in the ground slightly larger than the proposed structure. Thus all the houses were semi-subterranean dwellings. The species of wood employed in construction was, as far as can be determined, spruce. It is possible that some cottonwood logs may have been used, although spruce would generally have been much preferred because it does not rot as quickly. Entrance tunnels are perhaps the most consistent feature of Es- kimo dwellings everywhere and therefore it is not surprising that they were found attached to all the Akulivikchuk houses. The tunnel of only one excavated house (H-l) opens directly toward the river bank, while five (H-2, H-3, H-4, H-5, H-6) face downstream and one VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 21 (H-7) upstream. The floors of the tunnels of all houses are lower than the house floors, although in three cases (H-l, H-2, H-6) the difference is not great and no cold trap was formed. With one excep- tion (H-2), tunnels project into the main living area, although the degree of projection varies considerably. At the inner ends of the tunnels there are usually split logs or planks which serve to shore up the end and also form an entrance. In five houses (H-3, H-4, H-5, H-6, H-7) this takes the form of a row of horizontal planks, while one structure (H-l) has a semi-circular wooden sill at the inner end. Horizontal planks also form the outer ends of tunnels in six houses (H-l, H-2, H-3, H-5, H-6, H-7); vertical planks in this location are characteristic of one structure (H-4). Tunnel wall construction in four houses (H-l, H-5, H-6, H-7) consists of a series of parallel horizontal logs supported by short vertical ones, while in three (H-2, H-3, H-4) there are vertical wall planks. In each case these appear to have been held in place at the upper end by a long horizontal log. There are clear indications in two houses (H-l, H-4) that short, split logs were placed on top and at right angles to the tunnel wall logs to form the roof. In the same two structures there is evidence that sheets of birch bark had been placed over the tunnel roof logs before they were covered with sod or dirt. In general, it can be said that log preservation was much better in the tunnels than in the main rooms of the Akulivikch.uk houses. However, all tunnel walls were, to some extent, compressed by pressure from the earth. Three of the Akulivikchuk houses (H-l, H-2, H-3) have entry- rooms or storm sheds at the outer end of the tunnels. Only one (H-l), however, contains a sufficient number of preserved logs to reveal features of construction. In all three houses the outer end of the tunnel extends into the entryroom and terminates in a pro- nounced step up. Another consistent feature of the three entryrooms is irregular floors that seem simply to be well-trodden, natural ground surfaces rather than actual prepared floors. It seems clear that en- tryrooms were not as well constructed as the rest of the houses. In over-all plan, five houses (H-l, H-3, H-4, H-5, H-7) are virtu- ally square, while two (H-2, H-6) are rectangular with the longer sides at right angles to the tunnel. Horizontal wall logs, presumably always held in place by vertical posts, are a consistent feature of all the houses, although one (H-6) has vertical wall planks along one side. A cribbed corner occurs in one structure (H-7), the cribbing logs being supported by two narrow, vertical posts. The floors of 22 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 Table 1. — House Construction Features House Feature H-l H-2 H-3 H-4 H-5 H-6 H-7 Excavated foundation X X X X X X X Spruce wall logs X X X X X X X Tunnel shallow floor, no cold trap X X X deep floor, cold trap X X X X horizontal wall logs X X X X vertical wall planks X X X short, split roof logs X 7 7 X 7 7 7 birch bark sheets at roof level X X horizontal planks at inner end of tunnel X X X X X horizontal planks at outer end of tunnel X X X X X X semi-circular wood sill at inner end of tunnel X vertical planks at outer end of tunnel X Tunnel entryrooms X X X House dimensions square X X X X X dimensions rectangular X X horizontal wall logs X X X X X X X vertical wall planks along one side X cribbed corners X central hearth X X X X X X X pits in floor lined with birch bark X Benches back bench only X X X grass-covered bench X dried grass on floor along side walls X Roof four-post-center 7 X X ? X X 7 birch bark sheets at roof level X skins used in roof construction ? all the houses consist of a hard-packed, scaly, dark layer from which overlying material separated easily. Near the center of each house is a hearth characterized by discolored earth and a wood ash con- centration. In four houses (H-l, H-3, H-4, H-6) one or more fire- darkened rocks found in or near the fireplace suggest that at one time those hearths may have been clearly delineated by stone borders. Several structures have pits of varying depths in the floors, and one such pit (H-2) is lined with birch bark. Fig. 4. House 1. 23 24 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 Surprisingly, wall benches are not a characteristic feature of Aku- livikchuk houses. Three dwellings (H-3, H-4, H-6) have back benches only and in one of these (H-6) the bench was covered with dried grass. In house 1 there are no actual benches, but dried grass was found on the floor along the side walls. The manner in which roofs were supported is a rather consistent feature of the houses. Four structures (H-2, H-3, H-5, H-6) have the remains of vertical posts almost equidistant from the side walls. These posts presumably supported four horizontal beams with short roofing posts or planks stretching from these beams to the uppermost wall log on all four sides. This four-post-center type of roof con- struction may also have been present in the other three dwellings (H-l, H-4, H-7), but the presence of additional post fragments makes it possible that some other form of roofing, perhaps six-post-center, was used. At the level of the roof in one house (H-2) badly decayed sheets of birch bark were recovered suggesting that this material was placed between the roof logs and overlying sod as a waterproof pro- tective cover. At the roof level in the same structure were sizeable deposits of maggot cases indicating that caribou skins or moose hides may have been similarly used. House 1 (Fig. 4) The main room of this structure, the largest dwelling on the site, is virtually square with horizontal wall logs held in place by vertical supports. There appear to have been at least three and probably four wall logs along each wall, but no more than two were found. In the back corners are small piles of sterile sand which may have been intended for spreading on the floor when it became dirty. The floor itself is a hard-packed, scaly, dark layer, thick and distinct over the entire surface. A centrally-located fireplace appears to have had stone retainers. The manner in which the roof of this house was sup- ported must remain conjectural, although four-post-center construc- tion is a possibility. However, there are additional posts, the struc- tural significance of which is not clear. There are no benches in this house, although a covering of dried grass was found on the floor along the side walls in the area where benches might have been ex- pected to occur. The tunnel is deeply excavated but its floor is not far below that of the main chamber. At the inner end of the tunnel is a semi- circular wooden sill, but the step up here into the living area is less than 20 cm. Tunnel wall construction consists of five horizontal logs VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 25 "^ J— b c ) I p ° " r 1 o \ * O o o ° C * ! 3 ; p ■ i > * ! 1 c . k—j 3333 1 METER Li ! 1 Fig. 5. House 2. on each side held in place by opposite sets of three vertical supports. At the outer end of the tunnel is a steep step up into the entryroom, the floor of which is well above the floor of the main chamber. There are three short retainer logs at this end, the lowest of which is in the form of a narrow step. The tunnel floor is a hard-packed, dark layer but less thick than the floor in the living area. This structure was 26 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 one of two where tunnel roof construction could be determined with some degree of certainty. Short, split logs were placed horizontally with the flat side down. These appear to have been covered with strips of birch bark before a sod covering was added. The entry- room into which the tunnel extended is well defined by horizontal wall logs on the four sides, but the floor of this area is indistinct and somewhat lower in the center than on the sides. House 2 (Fig. 5) Wood preservation in this structure, although the poorest in any on the site, was sufficient to indicate the main features of construc- tion. Wall logs are located along the sides only and there is just one on each side. Nevertheless, it is clear that these walls were con- structed of horizontal logs held in place by vertical supports. The back and front walls had to be located by following the floor to its outer limits. It appears that the roof was supported by four center posts. During excavation many large strips of birch bark were en- countered at the roof level and these may have covered the roof logs under the sod. In places there were large deposits of maggot cases indicating that hides may also have been utilized in roof construction. The floor of the main chamber is a hard-packed, scaly, dark surface and there appeared to be several floor layers but these could not be separated consistently over the entire living area. Therefore, no attempt was made to separate artifacts from the various floors. Excavation of the floor was complicated considerably by the exist- ence of numerous pits, only one of which is shown in the house plan. This pit, approximately 40 cm. in diameter and 40 cm. deep, is cir- cular and lined with strips of birch bark. It contained bones and a few artifacts, mostly beads. A large, thick, central fireplace consists of discolored earth and charcoal fragments. The tunnel of this house is notable for its depth and the fact that there is no real cold trap. The floor of the main chamber slopes up slightly near the tunnel while the tunnel floor itself slopes gently downward and then rises slightly just before the step up into the entryroom. The tunnel floor is simply a continuation of the hard- packed floor in the main room. Log preservation is poor, but enough remains to indicate that the tunnel walls were lined with split vertical planks held in place by one or more horizontal logs. There was prob- ably one such log running along the top of the planks and another one in a similar position at the bottom. At the step up into the en- tryroom are four horizontal planks held in place on each side by a c ) ^-, — o "^ s O Q r ; ■» ° o O < 1 | / : ; x ] ! O C D r ' — * V i t > U p ^ t ) 1 METER Fig. 6. House 3. 27 28 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 vertical support. The entryroom itself contains no structural fea- tures of any kind and has a poorly defined, darkened floor that is low in the center and slopes up along the sides. Just at the tunnel en- trance is a slight, semi-circular depression. House 3 (Fig. 6) This generally well-preserved structure has a main room with the usual horizontal wall logs held in place by vertical supports. There were probably at least three logs on all four sides, but only a single one remains along each wall. The most striking feature of this house is a high bench which extends along the back wall. This bench is faced with two horizontal retaining logs which pass in front of the back two supports of the four which supported the roof. Floor in this structure is the usual hard-packed, dark layer and there are a num- ber of deep pockets of occupation debris along the side walls. The central fireplace contains a number of fire-cracked rocks as well as ash deposits and discolored earth. The tunnel of this house, which is quite deep and long, is charac- terized by extremely good wood preservation. The floor is a well- defined dark layer and the walls consist of vertically-placed split log planks supported by a single long log on each side at the top of the planks. These horizontal retainers are in turn supported by upright lo^g. The inner end of the tunnel extends a short way into the main chamber where there is a step up with two short retaining logs. At the opposite end the tunnel extends into the entryroom and in this area there are two steps, each one with a horizontal retaining log along the outer face. There is also a similar log at the top almost level with the floor of the entryroom. House k (Fig. 7) This is another well-preserved structure and its main living area, like those of other houses on the site, is characterized by horizontal wall logs held in place with vertical supports. There were probably four such horizontally-placed logs along each wall, but no more than three are preserved on any one wall. As in house 3, there is a high bench along the back wall which is faced with two large horizontal logs. This facing is retained by four posts, two or more of which may have been associated with roof support. Four- or six-post-center roof construction is possible for this house, but because of those posts along the bench and the seemingly indiscriminate location of others, no clear pattern emerges. There is a central fireplace containing a c c c y- — . _> *• O o ( o 5 o o o o o o — M - u jo~o" J> ^ tf¥ os ") METER Fig. 7. House 4. 29 30 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 large number of small fire-cracked rocks. The floor of the main cham- ber is a relatively even layer of the familiar hard-packed, scaly, black material. The long tunnel extends into the main living area and then goes off at a slight angle. Wall construction consists of vertical planks held in place by a single horizontal log along each side at the top. These in turn are held in place by vertical supports. This tunnel is quite deep and has a hard-packed, dark floor. At the inner end is a wooden sill that sits flush with the floor and in front of which are three short horizontal retaining logs that form a single narrow step. At the outer end of the tunnel are four vertical planks. In front of these are two short horizontal logs which also form a narrow step. In this structure there is clear evidence for the type of tunnel roof construction previously noted for house 1 and probably characteristic of all the structures. House 5 (Fig. 8) This is a square house, the main chamber of which is characterized by the usual horizontal wall log construction. There were apparently four logs along each wall, although this number was preserved on only two sides of the main room. The roof was probably supported by four posts, although one of these appears to be considerably out of line. A central fireplace contains much charcoal and discolored earth, while the floor itself is no different from that described for the other structures. It should be noted, however, that the excavation for this house is shallower than that for any of the others, and the overburden less thick. The tunnel, which is short, extends well into the main chamber and is very well preserved. There are four horizontal logs along each wall held in place by vertical supports at the inner end. As retainers at the step up into the main chamber, there are three short horizontal logs. One is flush with the house floor and extends outward on either side of the tunnel. The second below it protrudes slightly and the third enough to form a step. At the outer end of the tunnel are four horizontal split logs forming a retaining wall. The floor is a well- defined dark layer, lowest in the center but sloping up slightly at either end. House 6 (Fig. 9) This house, cut deeply into the bank of the draw, is also the most deeply excavated of all the structures. There was a great deal of VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 31 O o & fc> O o oooo IMETER. Fig. 8. House 5. overburden to be removed before features of construction were re- vealed. Horizontal wall logs, held in place by vertical supports, are present along three walls of the main chamber. Only three logs were used along the back wall, while there were apparently four along each side. The front wall on both sides of the tunnel consists of ver- tical split logs dug into the floor at the bottom and supported by a horizontal log at the top. The split logs are badly decayed but they appear to be approximately 15 cm. wide and set in place with the flat side facing inward. The central fireplace in this structure con- 32 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 o i i i i i '* i i i i r °n cU of c i I I i i i i i i-nVI O OO ^ S Fig. 9. House 6. tains the usual charcoal, discolored earth and a few fire-cracked rocks. Along the rear wall is a low, narrow bench rising no more than 15 cm. above the floor. It appears to have extended out as far as the back two posts of the four that supported the roof. The floor is the usual hard-packed, scaly, black layer and this surface also occurs on the bench along with indications that dried grass may have been laid over it. In places the floor surface extends into deep pockets, par- ticularly along the sides near the wall logs. The tunnel of this house, like that of most of the others, extends well into the main chamber. On either side there are horizontal logs VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 33 supported by vertical ones, and separate short logs form that part of the tunnel inside the living areas. This tunnel extends no more than 25 cm. below the house floor level and, therefore, hardly can be said to form a cold trap. There is a single log retainer at the inner end, while at the outer end there is a similar arrangement involving two short logs. The tunnel floor is the same hard-packed, dark layer as the house floor. House 7 (Fig. 10) Like the structure just described, this house is also cut well back into the bank. However, wood preservation is very poor and wall logs are located along one wall only. These indicate horizontal log wall construction with the logs being held in place by vertical sup- ports. One corner apparently was cribbed, perhaps for the purpose of utilizing shorter wall logs. The cribbing was supported by small, vertically-placed stakes. The floor is a hard-packed, grey to black layer which in places is thick and scaly but elsewhere exceedingly thin and difficult to follow. It is also very uneven. The manner of roof construction is virtually impossible to determine because of the large number of posts and their seemingly random placement. A central fireplace consists of burned earth and charcoal fragments. Log preservation in the tunnel of this dwelling is much better than elsewhere. There are four horizontal logs on either side held in place by vertical supports. The tunnel is quite deep and extends into the main chamber where there are three short horizontal retain- ing logs. At the outer end, two such retainers are still in place and there may have been a third. When this structure was excavated, the tunnel logs were found to be pushed well toward the center and the drawing restores them to their original position. The floor is the same well-defined, hard-packed, dark layer that was characteristic of much of the floor in the main chamber. KASHGEE As might be expected, by far the most imposing structure in the village is the centrally located kashgee (K), or ceremonial house (Fig. 11). It is impressive not only because of its size, but also its depth. Unlike kashgee 1 at Tikchik (VanStone, 1968b, pp. 253-255), the exca- vation is directly down into the ground rather than cut into a steep hillside. Wood preservation in the Akulivikchuk kashgee was re- markably good and nearly all features of construction can be deter- 34 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 O o O o o o o o ^ ,0 3 D c O o c _J n r I METER Fig. 10. House 7. mined with some degree of certainty. The main chamber is charac- terized by horizontal wall logs, probably held in place by vertical supports although only two of the latter were encountered (Fig. 12) . Three of the four corners are cribbed, but the actual number of wall logs along each side of the main chamber cannot be determined defi- nitely. There were apparently at least four since this number was preserved along one wall. Single, long wall logs appear to have been used almost exclusively, although the condition and preservation of the remaining logs is such as not to exclude the possibility that two o o • / p^ Fig. 11. Kashgee. 35 36 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 were joined at some point along a wall. There are wide bench areas on all four sides and all seem to have been covered with wooden planks, the only example of this kind of bench covering at the site. The two side benches have only a pair of very wide planks near the walls, while the front and back benches are covered with a number of horizontally placed planks. The deep center of the main chamber has a log framework that runs all around it, probably four horizontal logs on the two short sides and just one each on the long sides where a large number of sizeable rocks appear to be a structural feature. These rocks, which may also have been used during sweat baths in the kashgee, seem to have served as fill to help support the front and back benches. The center area between the piles of large rocks is filled with a thick, sterile layer of charcoal and ash, and the retaining logs are badly charred. In fact, some of the wall logs are blackened too, suggest- ing that the structure was used extensively as a bathhouse. The kashgee tunnel enters the main chamber at the level of the front bench. Wood preservation in this area is poor, but it appears that there were vertical planks along the walls. These may have been held in place by horizontal supports as in some of the house tunnels. On the other hand, they may have been placed in such a manner as to be self-supporting. The tunnel enters the entryroom at floor level which is approximately the same as bench level in the main chamber. The entryroom presents something of a puzzle. Its walls consist of horizontal logs, probably three on a side and presumably supported in position by vertical posts. The floor of the entryroom tunnel runs into the center of the room and is framed at the inner end by a log at floor level on the end and two wide planks in the same position on either side. At this inner end of the tunnel are a number of large, fire-darkened rocks and a small hearth. One possible explanation for this arrangement is that the entryroom might itself have been used on occasion as a bathhouse. At the outer end of the tunnel is a single horizontal retainer. Floor in the entryroom is a dark grey layer, but in the entryroom tunnel it is distinct, hard-packed and dark. In the regular tunnel the floor is also hard-packed and dark. In fact, even on the plank-covered benches of the main chamber a certain amount of scaly black layer was found over and in between the planks. The entryroom tunnel extends out at an angle and has horizontal wall logs. It is difficult to determine the manner in which the main chamber of the kashgee was roofed, but it is virtually certain that center posts o oool UXT o • I— I -t-5 CJ tibia 1 2 3 1 2 5 Caribou (Rangifer arcticus) skull fragment 1 mandible 1 1 5 scapula 2 16 1 1 5 1 1 humerus 3 11 1 1 4 1 1 radius 4 2 1 ulna 3 1 2 3 4 carpal 2 3 2 5 vertebra 5 8 1 1 4 rib 1 4 1 2 3 13 1 1 2 pelvic bone 1 femur 2 10 1 1 4 4 tibia 9 23 1 5 4 3 1 tarsal 4 15 3 8 4 1 1 metatarsal 1 9 1 2 2 phalange 6 2 1 * 1 Moose (Alces alces) mandible 3 1 scapula 1 2 humerus 1 1 radius 1 1 ulna 2 femur 3 1 tibia 1 1 metatarsal 1 Bear (Ursus americanus) scapula 1 ulna 1 1 Red fox (Vulpes vulpes) mandible 2 2 1 Dog (Canis famti liar is) mandible 1 5 1 4 scapula 1 humerus 4 1 3 radius 1 2 2 ulna 1 3 2 1 vertebra 2 1 1 9 rib o femur 1 2 tibia 1 1 1 3 95 96 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 Failure to save other bone fragments as well makes it difficult to interpret the material in culturally meaningful ways. Nevertheless, a few comments can be made. As might be expected, caribou bones occur with greater frequency than those of any other animal and, in fact, make up the bulk of the unmodified bones collected. This is not surprising since, according to informants at Ekwok, caribou were plentiful in the area, more so 30 or 40 years ago than they are today. Moose, on the other hand, occur much more frequently in the Nushagak River region today than in the past and their number has been increasing steadily. Thus, only a small number of moose bones were recovered from the site. An interesting feature of those caribou bones of the upper and lower leg that were examined is that they appear to have been broken twice; at either end near the articular surface. The sharp edges of these breaks suggest that a hatchet or axe was used. Since other caribou bones are usually complete, it seems likely that the leg bones were split open to extract the marrow. The bone list almost certainly does not give an accurate impres- sion of the fur-bearing animals taken by the residents of Akulivik- chuk. Only beaver bones are represented in significant numbers. We know from an examination of the records of the Russian-Amer- ican Company and other sources that many other fur bearers were economically important to the Eskimos of the Nushagak River region during the nineteenth century (see VanStone, 1968b, p. 309). It is doubtful whether, in very many cases, the carcasses of trapped ani- mals were brought to the village for skinning. A more convenient practice would have been to do the skinning in a trapping camp, bringing only the raw skins back to the settlement. The presence of beaver bones in relative abundance may indicate that this animal was trapped near the village, perhaps along the Kokwok River south of Akulivikchuk where trapping is good at the present time. In any case, it is certainly true that evidence of any kind for trapping by the residents of Akulivikchuk is negligible. This was also true of Tikchik and Crow Village. It has been noted that traditional trap- ping methods were preferred by the Eskimos of southwestern Alaska even after metal traps were available to them (Zagoskin, 1967, p. 221). Locally made snares, nets, and deadfalls would leave no trace in the archaeological record, at least at a site like Akulivikchuk where the preservation was poor. So we must assume that the resi- dents of the settlement were as fully involved in the fur trade as VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 97 those of any other community in the general region even though specific evidence for this involvement is lacking. In addition to the recovered bones shown in Table 2, four frag- ments of salt water clam shells (Saxidomus muttalli giganteus) were found in house 6. Having noted those aspects of Eskimo culture at Akulivikchuk which demonstrate continuity with the past, we can now turn to a con- sideration of those indicating change induced by the contact situation. In previous studies dealing with nineteenth century archaeological sites in southwestern Alaska (see VanStone, 1968b, pp. 320-323; Van- Stone and Townsend, 1970, pp. 140-146) it has seemed advisable to follow the organization of a similar section in the report on Crow Vil- lage (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, pp. 74-75). There it was pointed out that "in situations where innovations occur as a result of contact we would expect things new to arise from: (1) exotic objects intro- duced, accepted, and added to the cultural inventory without formal changes; (2) the availability of new materials permitting a change of existing forms; and (3) the construction of new forms based on new models. A very similar set of categories for considering artifacts that reflect processes of cultural change was developed by George I. Quim- by with reference to the historic period in the western Great Lakes region (Quimby, 1966, pp. 9-11). Quimby includes additional cate- gories in his scheme and they will be considered when relevant to the present discussion. Concerning the first source of innovation, the artifact descrip- tions and trait list indicate the extent to which trade goods were acquired by the residents of Akulivikchuk and accepted into the cultural inventory without change. It is evident that the collection of trade goods from the site is not particularly impressive, either with reference to cultural categories or the number of specimens within these categories. In connection with a very similar assem- blage of trade goods from Tikchik (VanStone, 1968b, pp. 320-321), the suggestion was made that it might not be representative of the number of trade items that were actually available to the people. At Crow Village (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 75), on the other hand, we believed that relatively few items were probably available, particularly during the Russian period. In light of a comparison of all three sites, it now seems likely that the statement with reference to Crow Village is closer to the truth. Trait lists for the three sites show that approximately 35 separate 98 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 categories of unmodified trade goods were recovered at Akulivikchuk, 38 at Tikchik, and only 44 at Crow Village, in spite of the fact that preservation was far better there. Thus the similar traditional cul- ture at all three sites would appear to have been subject to outside influence to about the same degree. This is noteworthy when it is realized that both Crow Village and Akulivikchuk are located along well-traveled, major waterways, while Tikchik must have been nearly as isolated as any settlement in interior southwestern Alaska. On the other hand, at the nearby Tanaina Indian settlement of Kijik on Lake Clark, more than 130 categories of trade goods were recov- ered. An explanation for this vast difference may be, as suggested elsewhere, that the Eskimos of the Nushagak and Kuskokwim river systems were strongly conservative when compared with the neigh- boring Tanaina who, already partially acculturated, may have moved into the Lake Clark area from Cook Inlet directly in response to the fur trade (VanStone and Townsend, 1970, pp. 145, 147, 176-191). Although detailed inventories of trade goods for the Nushagak area are lacking for both the Russian and early American periods, we do know that at least by the turn of the century and probably somewhat earlier, a surprisingly large number of such goods of all kinds were available to Indians living within the sphere of influence of the Alaska Commercial Company post at Tyonek on Cook Inlet (see VanStone, 1968b, pp. 320-321; VanStone and Townsend, 1970, p. 141) . There is no reason to believe that the Nushagak and Kuskok- wim posts were not similarly stocked at that time. Be that as it may, the various posts almost certainly did not carry as great a variety of trade goods during the Russian period. In fact, it is quite likely that one of the outstanding features of the change-over from Russian to American control in Alaska was the much larger number of trade goods shipped to the Alaska posts by the San Francisco-based Alaska Commercial Company. Some indication of the kinds of trade goods available and pre- ferred at the very beginning of the American period is to be found in a list published in the Alaska Herald on February 1, 1869 (Vol. 1, no. 26). This list is said to comprise those articles most in demand by the inhabitants of Alaska and other places in the Arctic Ocean: Window Panes, Calico Stockings, Ladies' Shoes, Caps, Men's Hats, Bonnets, Woollen Scarfs, Muslin Ducking, Patent Leather Belts, Needles, Yarn for Stockings, Coato's Cotton, Confectionery, Rus- sian Tobacco Leaves, Sea Biscuits, Pickled Cucumbers, Sauer Krout, Black California Caviar, Mustard, Ground Pepper, Common Buttons of all kinds, Loaf Sugar, finest quality of Black Tea, Rye Flour, Buckwheat VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 99 Flour, Buckwheat Groots, and a small quantity of Wheat Flour, large quantity of Salt, Hickory Skirts, Dried Apples, Cutlery, Common Cotton, Red Handkerchiefs, Candles of Tallow, Blankets, Crockery, Ribbons of all kinds, Combs, Overalls, Cheese, Boots, Nails, Clocks, Stoves, Grates, Iron Hoops for Barrels. This is an impressive inventory, but it should be noted that only a few of the objects mentioned would occur in an archaeological context. In the inventories of the Tyonek post on Cook Inlet, canned goods do not make their appearance until 1879 and it is at about this time that a wide variety of hardware is also stocked (Alaska Commercial Company. Iliamna and Tyonek post trading and fur inventories. University of Alaska Archives.) By this time, however, Akulivik- chuk may have been close to abandonment and although Crow Vil- lage and possibly Tikchik were occupied somewhat longer, it is likely that they had passed their peak of population and were in decline. In any case, the relative scarcity of trade goods in three nineteenth century sites in southwestern Alaska must surely indicate that throughout most of the period of occupation, the variety of objects offered to the Eskimos in trade was small. One further point remains to be made with reference to our first category of innovation. Namely, that all the trade goods recovered at Akulivikchuk, with the exception of beads, were types that were made to be used by both white men and Eskimos. This is in con- trast to many areas of North America where certain artifacts were made specifically for trade with Indians. It would appear that rela- tively few of this latter type of trade goods were used in the Alaska trade. Aside from beads, only the trade gun, an example of which was recovered at Tikchik (VanStone, 1968b, pp. 300 302), comes to mind. This does not mean, however, that there were not many items, particularly types of firearms, that were obsolete elsewhere but highly suitable for trade with the native peoples of Alaska. The second category of innovation is of particular interest to us, involving as it does the introduction of new raw materials and their effect on the manufacture of traditional artifact types. Examples of this type of innovation are discussed below. 1 . Scrapers made from bottle glass resemble those of flinty ma- terials (PI. 11, 2, 5). This use for an imported material was common throughout Alaska (Ackerman, 1965, p. 46; Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 75; VanStone, 1968b, p. 284; VanStone and Townsend, 1970, p. 74). 100 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 2. The top of a can for percussion caps has been cut and pierced to be worn as a pendant (PL 12, 13). This is an understandable inno- vation when it is recalled that such metal would have been bright and shiny when first acquired and thus very attractive from the standpoint of personal adornment. Pendants made from imported metal have also been reported from the Tikchik and Kijik sites (Van Stone, 1968b, p. 287; VanStone and Townsend, 1970, pp. 71-72, p. 14, 2). 3. A metal sled shoe section is a counterpart of the traditional type made of whale bone or antler (PI. 12, 16). Metal runners are used on Eskimo sleds in all parts of Alaska at the present time. The material has the advantage of being available in longer sections than antler or bone and such runners are much easier to construct. 4. Can metal folded into shallow, dish-like containers has proved to be extremely common in historic sites throughout southwestern Alaska (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 50; VanStone, 1968b, p. 287; VanStone and Townsend, 1970, p. 70, pi. 14, 16). The resemblance to folded birch bark baskets is readily apparent and it is clear that such baskets were used by the Akulivikchuk Eskimos (PI. 11, 12). 5 . Also widely reported are fragments of flattened can metal with holes around the edges. These have been identified as reinforcement pieces, possibly used to strengthen a cracked shaft or to repair wooden artifacts in a variety of ways (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 50; VanStone, 1968b, p. 288). Metal reinforcement pieces of this kind doubtless replaced strips of caribou or moose hide used in a sim- ilar manner. The added strength of the metal would seem to make this innovation extremely attractive. 6. A fragment of heavy metal worked to a point at one end has been identified as an awl (PL 12, 4). Such an implement clearly re- sembles in size and shape traditional awls made of bone or antler. 7. An unidentified fragment of ironstone china has been worked into a round shape for use as a labret (PL 11, 3). A pottery labret was also recovered at Crow Village (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 51) and the material might be expected to recommend itself as it is both light and relatively easy to work. It is perhaps noteworthy that no labrets of traditional materials have been recovered from any of the excavated sites in interior southwestern Alaska. 8. Rimfire cartridge cases were perforated at the proximal end and strung as bead separators. This innovation, which is reported at Crow Village, Tikchik, and Kijik (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 76; VanStone, 1968b, p. 287; VanStone and Townsend, 1970, p. 71, VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 101 pi. 14, 10) will doubtless prove to be widespread in Alaskan historical sites. 9. A lure-hook with an antler shank in a stylized fish shape has a bent nail in the distal end as a barb (PI. 8, 10). Such a nail-barb has an obvious advantage over the antler or bone barbs that were pre- sumably characteristic of such artifacts during the prehistoric period. Similar combinations involving antler shanks and nail-barbs occur in the Tikchik site (VanStone, 1968b. p. 274). 10. The use of a spent cartridge case to form the end of a blunt arrowhead represents only a slight modification of a traditional arti- fact (PI. 12, 5). This form appears to be extremely common in his- toric sites throughout Alaska and has been recovered in historic levels at Hooper Bay Village (Oswalt, 1952, p. 53), from Crow Village (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 76), Tikchik (VanStone. 1968b, p. 285) and in the Tanaina Indian settlement of Kijik (VanStone and Townsend, 1970, pp. 68, 70, pi. 13, 6). 11. Ulu and end bladed knife blades cut from can metal (PI. 12, 3, 6-7, io, 14) are another form that has been widely reported in his- toric sites in southwestern Alaska (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 75; VanStone, 1968b, p. 285; VanStone and Townsend, 1970, p. 70. pi. 13, 1,2,7,9, 11). It is worth mentioning that numbers 8 through 11 would be in- cluded in a separate category by Quimby because they are made partly of local materials and partly from materials imported through trade (Quimby, 1966, p. 10). In the case of these Akulivikchuk specimens, the local materials are bone and antler handles, or, in the case of the blunt arrowheads, wooden shafts. In a special but related category of innovation are side-bladed knife handles, the familiar Eskimo crooked knife with an antler or bone handle and metal blade (PI. 12, 8, 9). This implement may not have appeared in Eskimo culture until the people had access to trade iron from Siberia to use for the characteristic form of curved blade. Such knives, which, of course, go back much further in Eskimo pre- history than any of the other artifacts discussed here, appear on St. Lawrence Island as early as the Punuk period (Collins, 1937, PI. 78, 1-3). They are generally well distributed along the Alaska coast from Barter Island to Bristol Bay (Mathiassen, 1930, PI. 5. 10; Murdoch, 1892, Fig. 118; Nelson, 1899, PI. XXXVIII, Oswalt, 1952, p. 57; Larsen, 1950, Fig. 55, 5). The type also occurs in the Kobuk River region at Ambler Island, Kotzebue (1550 A. D.), and Ekseavik (Giddings, 1952, pp. 66, 68, 71; VanStone, 1955, p. 106). 102 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 12. The sides of an adz or skin scraper blade of metal have been folded over, presumably to strengthen the blade (PL 12, 17). A sim- ilar artifact was recovered at Crow Village (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 50). Quimby places such artifacts in a separate category of change because they are not only modified by the substitution of an imported material (metal instead of the traditional stone in this case), but involve "a different technological principle to achieve a similar end product" (Quimby, 1966, p. 11). Turning to the third category of innovation mentioned above, that of new forms based on new models, there is only one example of an attempt by the Eskimos at Akulivikchuk to produce a non- Eskimo artifact locally. These are sandstone bullet molds, a type that has also been recovered from the Crow Village and Kijik sites (Oswalt and VanStone, 1967, p. 76; VanStone and Townsend, 1970, p. 62, pi. 11, 2). This is another of the forms that is likely to be very common in sites of the historic period throughout Alaska. The specifics of innovation that we have been discussing in this chapter are interesting because they indicate the response of Akuli- vikchuk Eskimos to the items of material culture that were introduced as a result of European contact. It has been noted elsewhere that the people living at the Tikchik site exhibited a cautious approach to things new. This also seems to have been true of the residents of Akulivikchuk, but it is rather more surprising here because the latter settlement was not only much closer to the trading post at the mouth of the Nushagak River, but was on a major and direct trade route into the interior of southwestern Alaska. Like Tikchik and Crow Village, the collection of artifacts from Akulivikchuk indicates more than anything else, a basic continuity with emphasis on the retention of traditional forms. The fact that the village was less than 100 miles from the most important center of contact intensity in all southwestern Alaska, appears to have mattered very little indeed. Interpretations and Conclusions Occupation of the Akulivikchuk site apparently encompassed most of the nineteenth century. Since trade goods were found in all structures and the test trench, it can be assumed that there was at least indirect historic contact during the earliest stages of occupa- tion. We have noted that historical source materials referring di- rectly to Akulivikchuk are scanty and it should be clear from the preceding chapters that not a great deal has been learned concerning the specifics of Russian and American influence on the settlement through a study of the collected artifacts. These regrettable gaps put severe restrictions on our interpretation of the occupation at Akulivikchuk and force us to fall back on rather broad generaliza- tions concerning life in the middle Nushagak River region in the nineteenth century. Specific historical information concerning Akulivikchuk has been summarized in an earlier chapter and detailed treatment of the his- tory of the general area under discussion will be found elsewhere (see VanStone, 1967, chapters I -III; 1968b, pp. 324 340). Here we need only repeat that although the residents of Akulivikchuk must have had contact with the Russians from virtually the very begin- ning of the latter's penetration into southwestern Alaska, it has been impossible to isolate tangible manifestations of the Russian presence in the collection from the site. As at Crow Village, Tikchik, and Kijik, there was no recognizable stratigraphic division between the Russian and American periods of influence at Akulivikchuk. Aside from the fact that it may be unreasonable to expect mean- ingful stratigraphy in sites where the occupation is so short, it is also possible that by the time of the expansion of their influence into in- terior southwestern Alaska, the Russians were obtaining a large pro- portion of their trade goods from non-Russian sources. When Baron F. P. von Wrangell became General Manager of the Company in 1830, he immediately set about trying to lower prices on the goods that were traded to the Indians and Eskimos of Alaska. Wrangell found means of purchasing many goods in European countries thus bring- 103 104 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 ing down the price on items that had previously been shipped from Russia around the world to Sitka (Tikhmenev, 1939-40, chapter XX, footnote 52). Although it has been possible to make only a few explicit state- ments concerning the changing material culture of Akulivikchuk Eskimos, we can say something about shifting settlement patterns in the immediate vicinity of the village. This information, based partly on historical sources and partly on my surveys, indicates that throughout the period under discussion, there was a definite center of population in the middle Nushagak River region (see VanStone, 1967, pp. 114-115). Between 1800 and 1860, for example, there were probably only three settlements along the entire Nushagak River south of the mouth of the Nuyakuk. All three were in the central river sector; Agivavik south of the present community of New Stuyahok, Kok- wok at the mouth of the river of that name, and Akulivikchuk. All are located on the high, western bank of the river (see Fig. 2). No population figures are available for any of these villages during this period, but on the evidence of the sites alone, a reasonable estimate might be 300 people for all three. This would not be inconsistent with Vasiliev's estimate of 400 for the entire river exclusive of Nush- agak Bay in 1829 (quoted in Zagoskin, 1967, p. 308). Between 1860 and 1890 new settlements appeared, but the con- tinuity of the middle river population was not altered. There were three small villages north of Akulivikchuk. One of these, Akokpak, had a population of nine in 1890 (Porter, 1893, p. 164) but for the other two, Elilakok and Tunravik, there are no references in the sources. It is unlikely, however, that more than 100 people ever occupied these three villages. In the Kokwok-Akulivikchuk area there were important shifts in population during this period. Agi- vavik had a population of 47 in 1879 (Bailey, 1880, pp. 26-27) and 30 in 1890 (Porter, 1893, pp. 5, 164). It probably was abandoned sometime during the first decade of the present century, perhaps at the time of the influenza and measles epidemic of 1899-1900 which spelled the end of so many Eskimo villages in southwestern Alaska. As previously mentioned, Akulivikchuk had a population of 72 in 1880 (Petroff, 1884, p. 17), and there is some question as to whether the village is listed in the eleventh federal census of 1890. At any rate, we have noted that the last residents are said to have moved downriver to Kokwok, which at this time was also in a decided de- cline. During our period of interest, Kokwok had a population of VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 105 83 in 1879 (Bailey, 1880, pp. 26 27), 104 in 1880 (Petroff, 1884, p. 17), 145 in 1881 (DRHA, vol. 2, p. 144), 46 in 1890 (Porter, 1893, pp. 5, 164), and 106 in 1898 (Elliott, 1900, p. 740). The marked variation in these figures almost certainly reflects seasonal movements of peo- ple and the fact that census figures were not collected at the same time of the year in each case. Toward the close of the century, Ekwok, with a population of 79 in 1898 (Elliott, 1900, p. 740), began to emerge as the most important settlement along the middle river. On the basis of these population estimates, it is conceivable that there were as many as 250 people living in the middle river region during this period. It will be noted that Akulivikchuk was one of a group of settle- ments in close proximity to one another. Probably at no time was it the largest village in the area and it may not have been the oldest either. Agivavik is the only settlement along the middle river that seems to have had a prehistoric component. It is perhaps possible to discern a pattern of population movement in the area with Agi- vavik declining at the expense of Akulivikchuk and Kokwok. The latter eventually gave way to Ekwok which then became the only settlement along the middle river until the much later establishment of New Stuyahok. Although a number of factors may have been responsible for these shifts, it is difficult not to attribute the major cause of population coalescence to a succession of large and small epidemics with their attendant periods of starvation. Although we have noted that possibly as many as 250 people occupied the middle river settlements between 1860 and 1890, it is virtually certain that the number had declined to not more than 100 by 1910. In a previous publication (VanStone, 1967, chapter VII) I have described the settlement pattern of the Nushagak River region in some detail. Although not specifically stated there, this pattern is obviously of the Central-Based Wandering type, a configuration in- volving communities which spend part of each year wandering and the rest at settlements to which they may return consistently in future years (Beardsley et al., 1956, p. 138). The nineteenth cen- tury Nushagak River Eskimos spent the winter months in their permanent villages along the river and in spring moved to temporary camps along streams in the mountainous country of the interior. There they engaged in hunting and trapping, returning to the river in early summer to fish for salmon. In the latter part of the summer when the fish runs were nearlv over the men alone moved to the inte- 106 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 rior leaving the women to watch over the full fish caches. Interior hunting and trapping would continue until the first snowfall in Oc- tober at which time the men would return once more to the winter villages. There is some indication that this pattern was modified to some extent at villages deep in the interior like Tikchik. Informants have suggested that in this settlement the hunters and trappers left their families at the village all or most of the time and returned frequently. Such a pattern was said to have been possible because good hunting and trapping areas existed within a short distance of the settlement (VanStone, 1968b, p. 337). The above-mentioned Central-Based Wandering type of settle- ment pattern for the Nushagak River need not, of course, reflect the situation in strictly aboriginal times. Trapping was added to the subsistence cycle at the time of earliest contact and this doubtless resulted in considerable modifications in the seasonal activities of the inhabitants. At the present time it is impossible to reconstruct life in the area during the pre-contact period, but one suspects that along the middle river at least, the effect of a trapping-trading economy on the settlement pattern may have been minimal. It seems probable that the aboriginal inhabitants had to be fairly mobile in order to hunt effectively in their area. On the other hand, the existence of a stable and predictable supply of fish removed a good deal of the uncertainty from subsistence and must have allowed for per- manent villages along the river then as it did at a later time. And yet there are few indications today that such villages existed in the prehistoric period. As noted in the preface, I conducted extensive surveys along the Nushagak and its tributaries during the summers of 1964 through 1967 and located 58 sites. It is probable that fewer than five of these have a prehistoric component and only one clearly prehistoric site was found. It should be emphasized, however, that the nature of the vegetation in this region is not conducive to the discovery of very old sites. Tree growth and ground cover is heavy along the riverbanks and on the basis of the appearance of known historic sites, I have estimated that they could become completely overgrown in no more than 200 years after abandonment. In any case, it is difficult to imagine a settlement pattern in the pre-contact period, at any rate in recent prehistoric times, that was radically dif- ferent from the one in the early nineteenth century. The advent of a trapping-trading economy in the Nushagak River region may have had a minimal effect on the settlement pattern of VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 107 the area, at least when compared with the effect of the later commer- cial fishing industry. However, it certainly would have brought about changes in the seasonal movements of people. This would have been particularly true during the early summer when the Es- kimos of Akulivikchuk and other river communities visited Aleksan- drovski Redoubt to trade their furs and obtain supplies. Some may have also remained in the bay area for a period of time to fish and to trade products of the interior with coastal peoples for such things as seal oil and walrus ivory. The residents of Akulivikchuk, living fairly close to the mouth of the river, may very well have made such trips at more frequent intervals throughout the year. On the other hand, it is also likely that representatives of the trading post visited the village from time to time to trade for furs. However, these trips may have been relatively infrequent once the trade was well estab- lished. The Russian -American Company, and later the Alaska Com- mercial Company, enjoyed a monopoly in the area and would not have had to be concerned about the necessity of reaching the villages before the agents of other trading companies. It is probably true that after the advent of commercial salmon fishing in Bristol Bay in the last decade of the nineteenth century, the Eskimos of the Nushagak River villages spent more time at the coast in the hope of obtaining employment in or largesse from the canneries. It was the introduction of this economic activity that had the most drastic effect on settlement patterns throughout the area and resulted in the coalescence of population and abandonment of some of the smaller communities. However, by this time Akulivik- chuk was already completely abandoned or nearly so. If the settlement pattern in the middle Nushagak region can be characterized as Central-Based Wandering, then the size of the per- manent base will depend to some extent on the mobility of the in- habitants. In other words, the greater the area that is exploited by the residents of a community like Akulivikchuk, the greater the num- ber of people who can make their homes in the permanent settlement. We have already noted that there were, in addition to Akulivikchuk. two other sizeable settlements in the middle river region throughout most of the nineteenth century. Although there is no reason to be- lieve that the hunting and trapping areas utilized by these three communities did not overlap, the fact remains that the proximity of these villages must have had some bearing on their size. As we have noted earlier, Akulivikchuk was not a large village. The only cer- tain population figure for the community is the 72 inhabitants men- 108 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 tioned in the tenth federal census (Petroff, 1884, p. 17). If all the houses were occupied at the time the census data were collected, this would be an average of approximately ten persons per house which, considering the size of the structures, seems reasonable. One might normally presume that even in a settlement where people lived for less than 100 years, not all the structures would have been occupied simultaneously. Yet, on the basis of the collections, virtually nothing can be determined with reference to the chrono- logical relationship of the seven house pits to each other. There are only six trade items in the entire collection that can be dated with any degree of certainty. These include three fragments of pottery with maker's marks and three metallic cartridge cases. Each one of these items was recovered from a different structure. As noted earlier, it was possible to assign very approximate dates to six Akuli- vikchuk pottery types on the basis of their occurrence in Oswalt's stratigraphic sequence at Kolmakovski. It is unfortunate, however, that only 22 sherds are involved and these are spread evenly through- out the structures and midden. The percentage of trade goods to aboriginal artifacts in the indi- vidual houses is not particularly revealing either. By far the greatest number of trade items are beads and crockery fragments. In fact, excluding these materials, there are only 138 additional trade objects in the entire collection. It is clear that a much larger collection of datable artifacts of European manufacture is needed before such a collection can be helpful in answering chronological questions with reference to the occupation of specific structures. Size of the collection is not sufficient (see VanStone and Townsend, 1970, p. 162) and the manner in which the objects are distributed throughout the various structures is very important, too. In other words, it is likely that only under the most ideal circumstances will a collection of dated artifacts be useful for determining the chronological relationship of individual structures on a site. Such an ideal collection, which has yet to be recovered from any Eskimo or Indian site in southwestern Alaska, is most likely to be obtained through excavation of a Euro- pean trading settlement in the area. In previous publications dealing with historic Eskimo settlements in the general area under discussion, attempts have been made to consider the sites in terms of Louis Giddings' Arctic Woodland Cul- ture (Giddings, 1952; see Oswalt and VanStone, 1967; VanStone, 1968b). This has seemed essential not only because of the various environmental parallels between the two areas (see Giddings, 1952, VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 109 p. 115), but because it appeared unwise to ignore the only other com- pendium of information available on the subject of riverine Eskimo archaeology. Tikchik, Crow Village, and Akulivikchuk exhibit all the charac- teristics of a riverine Eskimo configuration. One might expect that of the three, Akulivikchuk would show stronger ties with the coast, but this is not the case. We can be certain that the presence of the Nushagak post drew the residents of Akulivikchuk to Nushagak Bay at least once a year and that while they were there, they traded for coastal products. And yet, as at Crow Village and Tikchik, coastal subsistence techniques are not reflected in the recovered material culture from the site. This would seem to indicate that, unlike the Kobuk River Eskimos, those of the interior Nushagak villages did not actually take part to any great extent, aside perhaps from fishing, in the various coastal subsistence activities. They only traded with their coastal neighbors for the products of such activities. Another significant factor here may be that coastal sea mammal hunting was not well developed even among those residents in the settlements around the shores of Nushagak Bay. Like those of the river villages, these people were also strongly inland oriented even though they exploited to a limited extent the more varied environ- ment of their area. Thus, inhabitants of the Nushagak River region and, to a lesser extent perhaps, the Kuskokwim, were more truly an inland people than those of the Kobuk and Noatak drainages. At the very least it can be said with certainty that settlements along the middle Nushagak like Akulivikchuk apparently had no closer coastal ties than upriver villages like Tikchik. References ACKERMAN, R. E. 1964. Prehistory in the Kuskokwim-Bristol Bay region, southwestern Alaska. Washington State Univ. Lab. Anthro., Rept. of Investigations, no. 26. 1965. Archaeological survey, Glacier Bay National Monument, southeastern Alaska, pt. II. Washington State Univ. Lab. Anthro., Rept. of Investiga- tions, no. 36. Alaska Commercial Company ms. Iliamna and Tyonek post trading and fur inventories. University of Alaska Archives. Alaska Herald Vol. 1, no. 26, February 1, 1869. San Francisco. Alaska Russian Church Archives, Accession 12,766 MS. Vital statistics, Nushagak, 1842-1931. The Library of Congress, Wash- ington. Bailey, G. W. 1880. Report upon Alaska and its people. U. S. Senate, 46th Congress, 2nd session, Doc. 132. Washington. Barnes, F. C. 1965. Cartridges of the world. Follett Publishing Company, Chicago. Beardsley, R. K. (Chairman) 1956. Functional and evolutionary implications of community patterning. Seminars in archaeology: 1955. In Mem. Soc. for Amer. Archaeol., no. 11. Clark, D. W. 1966. Two late prehistoric pottery-bearing sites on Kodiak Island, Alaska. Arctic Anthro., 3, 2, pp. 157-184. COLLARD, E. 1967. Nineteenth century pottery and porcelain in Canada. McGill Univ. Press. Collins, H. B., Jr. 1937. Archeology of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., 96, no. 1. Cox, W. E. 1944. The book of pottery and porcelain. Crown Publishers, Inc., New York. Datig, F. A. 1956-58. Cartridges for collectors. 2 vols. Borden Publishing Company, Los Angeles. Documents Relative to the History of Alaska (DRHA) ms. Alaska History Research Project, 1936-1938. MS in the University of Alaska Library and the Library of Congress. 110 VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 111 Drucker, P. 1943. Archaeological survey on the northern Northwest Coast. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., Bull. 133, Anthro. paper no. 20, pp. 17-142. Elliott, C. P. 1900. Salmon fishing grounds and canneries. In Compilation of narratives of exploration in Alaska. Washington. Fitch, C. H. 1883. Report on the manufacture of hardware, cutlery, and edge tools; also saws and files. In Report on the manufactures of the United States at the tenth census. Washington. Fontana, B. L. and J. C. Greexleaf 1962. Johnny Ward's ranch. Kiva, 28, nos. 1-2. Giddixgs, J. L. 1952. The Arctic Woodland Culture of the Kobuk River. University Museum, Univ. Penn., Philadelphia. 1961. Cultural continuities of Eskimos. Amer. Antiquity, 27, no. 2, pp. 155- 173. GODDEN, G. A. 1964. Encyclopedia of British pottery and porcelain marks. Crown Pub- lishers, Inc., New York. Gordon, G. B. 1906. Notes on the western Eskimo. University Museum, Univ. Penn., Trans. Dept. Archaeol., 2, pt. 1, pp. 69-101. Heizer, R. F. 1956. Archaeology of the Uyak site, Kodiak Island, Alaska. Univ. Calif. Anthro. Rec, 17, no. 1. Berkeley. Hough, W. 1898. The lamp of the Eskimo. Ann. Rept. U. S. Nat. Mus. for 1896, pp. 1025-1057. Hrdlicka, A. 1944. Alaska diary. Jaques Cattell Press, Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Kowta, M. nd. Old Togiak in prehistory. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, Los Angeles. deLaguxa, F. 1934. The archaeology of Cook Inlet, Alaska. University Museum, Univ. Penn., Philadelphia. 1947. The prehistory of North America as seen from the Yukon. Mem. Soc. Amer. Archaeol., no. 3. 1956. Chugach prehistory: the archaeology of Prince William Sound, Alaska. Univ. Wash. Publ. Anthro., no. 13. Lantis, M. 1946. The social culture of the Nunivak Eskimo. Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc, 35, pt. III. Larsex, H. 1950. Archaeological investigations in southwestern Alaska. Amer. Antiquity, 15, no. 3, pp. 177-186. 112 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 60 Logan, H. C. 1959. Cartridges. A pictorial digest of small arms ammunition. Bonanza Books, New York. Mathiassen, T. 1930. Archaeological collections from the western Eskimos. Rept. Fifth Thule Expedition, 10, no. 1. Miller, C. F. 1960. The excavation and investigation of Fort Lookout Trading Post II (site 39LM57) in the Fort Randall Reservoir, South Dakota. River Basin Survey- Paper, no. 17, Bur. Amer. Ethnol., Bull. 176, pp. 55-82. Murdoch, J. 1892. Ethnological results of the Point Barrow expedition. Ninth ann. rept., Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Washington. Nelson, E. W. 1899. The Eskimo about Bering Strait. Eighteenth ann. rept., Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pt. I. Washington. Oswalt, W. H. 1952. The archaeology of Hooper Bay Village, Alaska. Anthro. Papers Univ. Alaska, 1, no. 1, pp. 47-91. 1953. The saucer-shaped Eskimo lamp. Anthro. Papers Univ. Alaska, 1 , no. 2, pp. 15-24. 1955. Alaskan pottery: a classification and historical reconstruction. Amer. Antiquity, 21, no. 1, pp. 32-43. 1964. Traditional storyknife tales of Yuk girls. Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc, 108, pp. 310-336. 1967. Alaskan Eskimos. Chandler Publishing Company, San Francisco. Oswalt, W. H. and J. W. VanStone 1967. The ethnoarcheology of Crow Village, Alaska. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., Bull. 199. Washington. Petroff, I. 1884. Report on population, industries and resources of Alaska. Washington. Porter, R. P. 1893. Report on population and resources of Alaska at the eleventh census: 1890. Washington. QUIMBY, G. I. 1966. Indian culture and European trade goods. Univ. Wise. Press. Russell, C. P. 1962. Guns of the early frontiers. Univ. Calif. Press. Simpson, J. 1875. The western Eskimo. In A selection of papers on arctic geography and ethnology. John Murray, London. Smith, C. S. 1955. An analysis of the firearms and related specimens from Like-a-Fishhook village and Fort Berthold I. Plains Anthropol., no. 4, pp. 3-12. Swineford, A. P. 1898. Alaska, its history, climate and natural resources. Rand McNally & Co., Chicago and New York. VANSTONE: AKULIVIKCHUK 113 Thorn, C. J. 1947. Handbook of old pottery and porcelain marks. Tudor Publishing Com- pany, New York TlKHMEXEV, P. A. 1939-40. The historical review of the formation of the Russian-American Com- pany and its activities up to the present time. 2 pts. St. Petersburg (trans- ated by Dimitri Krenov, Works Progress Administration, Seattle, Washington I. VanStoxe, J. W. 1955. Archaeological excavations at Kotzebue, Alaska. Anthro. Papers Univ. Alaska, 3, no. 2, pp. 75-155. 1967. Eskimos of the Nushagak River: an ethnographic history. Univ. Wash. Press. 1968a. An annotated ethnohistorical bibliography of the Nushagak River re- gion, Alaska. Fieldiana: Anthro., 54, no. 2, pp. 149-189. 1968b. Tikchik village: a nineteenth century riverine community in southwest- ern Alaska. Fieldiana: Anthro., 56, no. 3, pp. 215-368. VanStoxe, J. W. and J. B. Towxsexd 1970. Kijik: an historic Tanaina Indian settlement. Fieldiana: Anthro., 59. Williamson, H. F. 1952. Winchester, the gun that won the west. A. S. Barnes and Company, Washington, D. C. Zagoskix, L. A. 1967. Lieutenant Zagoskin's travels in Russian America, 1842-1844. The first ethnographic and geographic investigations in the Yukon and Kuskokwim valleys of Alaska. Edited by Henry M. Michael. Arctic Institute of North America, Anthropology of the North, Translations from Russian Sources, no. 7. Toronto. Appendix I w = CO (3 o +-3 1 .2* ffi S-. 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